ISAAC ALLERTON 

FIRST ASSISTANT OF PLYMOUTH COLONY 



ISAAC ALLERTON 

First Assistant of Plymouth Colony. 



E. B. PATTEN, Compiler 



9 8 



Press of 

IMPERIAL PRINTING CO. 

MINNEAPOLIS 



V 



A 



NOTE. 

Mr. ^^'alter S. Allerton, in the "Allerton Genealogy" has 
outlined what the writer has endeavored roughly to fill in, 
viz.: A defense of Isaac Allerton's name and fame from 
the charges and insinuations against his good faith and 
integrity made by Gov. William Bradford in his History. 

If any find patience to read this account of an ancient 
controversv. he hopes that his lack of skill in arranging 
and presenting the case may not prevent their taking an 
impartial view of the evidence. 

Witli little o])ini()n of the fairness of Bradford as a 
historian, or of his abilities as a business manager, the 
writer has neither intention nor desire to disparage the 
courage and political tact which enabled the governor to 
lead Plymouth colony through its early years of poverty, 
weakness and dissension, to better and more stable condi- 
tions. 

It is only with his injustice and jealousy, which left a 
legacy of detraction to be administered upon two hundred 
years later, that the writer has any quarrel. 

E. B. PATTEN, 
Minneapolis, Minn. 

Aug. 8, 1908. 



IAN 



ISAAC ALLERTON 

His connection with Plymouth Colony, with some 
comments on Bradfords History 



Isaac Allerton, the first Assistant (Dep. Gov.) of Plym- 
outh Colony, has left us no clue to his birthplace or ancestry. 
One of his descendants reports that he was born ni the 
northeastern part of England about 1583. and was appren- 
ticed to a tailor of London in his youth, but quotes no 
authority for these statements. 

We "know that a sister, Sarah Allerton, married John 
Vincent of London and it is probable that the Allerton 
family were living in that city in the first years of the 
seventeenth centurv. Our first record of Isaac Allerton is 
as a merchant in Leyden, and as a member of the English 
church there, under Robinson's pastoral charge. Whether 
he was with this body during their brief stay in Amster- 
dam is uncertain, but he probably joined the colony in 
Holland about the year 1609. 

He prospered during his residence in Holland, _for he 
was made a freeman of the city of Leyden. Fel^ruary /. 1614, 
a considerable honor, conferred on but two others of the 
9/^ -n.' IkiuiJiiii coionv; and at the time of the emigration to New 
*^'"'*'^^En<;iand he was reputed the wealthiest member of the 
colSny, and was one of the heaviest stocktakers in the 
com]:)anv. 

The means to fit out the emigrants, and provide for 
their transportation and subsistence, were raised only in 
part among themselves in Holland and England, the re- 
mainder being furnished bv some seventy adventurers (as 
thev were termed) of London, who were to hold title to 
the' lands and propertv of the company, and share in tiie 
profits of the enterprise, if any there should be, after a term 
of years. 

The negotiation for this money proceeded slowly, with 
a <-rcat deal of discussion, and much (luarrchng and dis- 
sension, but articles of agreement were finally J'S"*-^' • '7;;> 
a ship the ••Si)ee<lwell," fitted out. She sailed from Delft- 
llaven .\ugust 1. \C,^0. f..r South nam])ton, I'.ng.. wliero 



2 

she was joined by the "Alayflower" from London. The 
"Speedwell" proved unseaworthy — her passengers were 
transferred to the "Mayflower." and after many delays 
the little ship found her way across the Atlantic, casting 
anchor in Cape Cod Harbor November 21st. 

Some discontent and insubordination arising among the 
emigrants, the leaders called a meeting in the cabin of the 
"Mayflower," and drew up the celebrated "Compact of the 
Pilgrim Fathers." This was signed by 41 of the passen- 
gers ; Carver, Bradford, Winslow and Brewster were the 
first four signers, Allerton the fifth. 

After some exploration of the coast, the memorable 
landing at Plymouth was made, and the Pilgrims realized 
for the first time the terrible hardships of a pioneer settle- 
ment on the bleak Xew England coast, in the fiercest 
months of the year. 

Weakened by the crowding and confinement of the 
ship, and by scanty and unwholesome food, they were in 
poor case to endure the privation and exposure which fol- 
lowed. In a few months the resulting sickness carried off 
half their number. 

Isaac Allerton's wife died among the first, on February 
25, 1621. He had married her in Leyden, the record in the 
Stadt-Huis, where marriages are recorded, giving "Mary 
"Norris, a maid from Newberry, Eng., and Isaac Allerton. 
"young man. of London, Eng." This notice, or publication, 
was C)ctober 4, 1611. and the marriage was November 4. 
1611. By her he had four children, all horn in Leyden, a 
son, Bartholomew, and three daughters. Mary. Remember 
and Sarah. The latter did not come in the Mayflower, l)ut 
remained in Leyden with her aunt. Mrs. Priest, coming 
over with her a year or two later. 

In April Gov. Carver died and P>radford was chosen 
governor and Allerton "assistant." or deputy governor, 
an f)ffice which he held several vears. Bradford's journal 
says: "In March following. (1621) Mr. Allerton with 
Capt. Standish 'went venturously' to treat with Massasoit." 
In September. 16''1, a party was sent to visit the Massa- 
chusetts Bay Indians, and named the first headland of 
Xantasket for their deputy governor, "Point Allerton," 
wl'.ich name it still bears. 

The colony, so inaus])iciouslv begun, struggled along 
for some five years, burdened with debt, and at times .suf- 
fering greatlv for needed supijlic^; the London ad\en- 
turers. who made the first advances for the outfitting of the 
emigrants, having refused to supnly the conip:iny with 
more n-onev. or goods. In 1625 Ca])t. Standish v.ci< s.nt 



to England with instructions to make some composition 
with the adventurers, but returned without having effected 
anything. 

In 1626 Allerton was sent over to make tfie best ar- 
rangement he could with the London people, and also to 
borrow, if possible, money to supply necessaries for the 
colony. For this purpose he had a power of attorney from 
three or four of the leading colonists. 

He succeeded in getting some money and sent home 
the needed supplies. He also arranged with the adventurers 
to transfer to him (Allerton) and such others of the colonists 
as he should think fit to join with him, all the rights that 
the adventurers had to the lands and property held by the 
company for the sum of £1,800. this sum to be paid in 
annual installments of £200. the first payment to be made 
in 1628. 

This agreement was to l)e ratified by the planters by the 
return ship. This was the turning point in the struggle of 
the colony for existence. The debt thus compromised 
was about' £7.000, and the adventurers held title to all the 
land, houses and goods that the colonists had m their pos- 
session. Until these claims were in some way cleared ott, 
it was not possible to secure the needed supplies to keep 
the settlement alive. 

Allerton was sent, as Bradford says, because he was 
better qualified by his business experience and education 
than any other, to transact this business and because he 
had "good acceptation" with their London friends and 
creditors. The agreement with the adventurers was signed 
the 13th of November. 1626. 

On Allerton's return the agreement was submitted to 
the Plvmouth people and approved. The colonists, or the 
maioritv of them, then took shares in this purchase, each 
head of a familv and each unmarried man being allowed to 
take one share and tbe forn^er to take in addition one share 
for each member of his family, each shareholder to be re- 
snonsible for anv deficit that might arise (from the profit 
of the trade of the companv being insufficient to discharge 
the obligations incurred bv the purchase) in proportion to 
the number of shares held.' The trade of the colony m fish, 
furs, tim1;er. etc.. to be carried on for the benefit of the pur- 

Thi^^ matter (.f buving the claims of the London credit- 
ors having been decided, before they sent Allerton back to 
iMigland to ratifv the agreement. P.radlonl ^■ays ^ome ot 
-tf-e chief men among the planters deliberated privatel> . 
"Xot onlv how thcv might ('ischarge th..-e great engage- 



"ments which lay so heavily upon them, but also, how they 
"might (if possibly-they could) devise means to help some 
"of their friends and brethren at Leyden over unto them, 
"who desired so much to come to them, an.d they desired 
"so much their company." 

"To efifect which, they resolved to run a hii^h course, 
"and of great adventure, not knowing otherwise how to 
"])ring it about." 

"W'hicli was, to hire the trade of the com])any for cer- 
"tain years, and in that time to undertake to pay that 
"£1,800 and all the rest of the debts that then lay on the 
"plantation, which was about £600 more, and so to set 
"them free, and to return the trade to the generalitie again 
"at the end of the term." 

Bradford continues:' "They called the company to- 
"gether, stated what the debts w-ere, and the terms upon 
"wdiich this new partnership would agree to clear them, in 
"a certain time, etc." 

"But their other ends (i. e., the bringing over of the 
"Leyden people) they were fain to keep secret, having only 
"acquainted privately some trusty friends ; who were glad 
"of the same, but (Unilited how they would l)c able to ]:)er- 
"form it." 

The company (i. e.. those who had just taken shares in 
the purchase of the adventurers' rights) after some discus- 
sion agreed with the new partnership as follows, viz.: 

The company sold to Bradford, Standish and Allerton, 
and such other parties as these should see fit to take as 
jiartuers. all the boats, the pinnace, all tools and imple- 
n^ents, and all the stock of merchandise and furs that were 
then in the company's possession. 

They also agreed that the new partnership was to have- 
for si.x years the whole trarle in furs and merchandise, with 
all the privileges therof, "as the said colony doth now, or 
"may, use the same." The term of the trade to begin on 
the last of Se])tcml:er. then next ensuing. 

And thcv abo agreed that each holder of a share in the 
company should pay annually to the jiartnership three 
bushels of c<trn. or six ]i()unds of tobacco, as the partners 
might elect. 

In consideration of which the partnership agreed to 
disclarge, and acc|uit the colony of all debts due at the date 
of this agreement, whether for the purchase money due 
the adventurers or other outstanding claims against the 
colony. The partners also agreed to bring over annually 
duriii!:;' the term of this ae'recment shoes and ho-^e to the 



amount of £50, to be sold to the colonists for corn at 6s. 
a bushel. At the end of six years the whole trade to return 
to the use of the colony. 

Mr. Allerton returned to London to close up the pur- 
chase with the adventurers, taking a copy of the agreement 
between the colonists and the new partnership with him, 
with instruction from his Plymouth partners to endea\or 
to interest some of his, and their, special friends in London 
in their enterprises, viz. : the trading venture, and "the 
'"bringing over some of their friends from Leyden as they 
"should be able." 

"In which enterprise" (I am quoting Bradford) "if any 
"of their London friends would join with them, they should 
"thankfully accept of their love and partnership herein." 

He had also instructions from his partners to procure, 
if possible, a patent for a trading district on the Kennebec 
river for their exclusive use ; for Bradford says, "The 
"Piscataway people threatened to procure a patent, and 
"so shut out the Plymouth people" from that trade. On 
his arrival in England, he closed the bargain with the ad- 
venturers and gave them the partnerships bonds for the 
payment of the £1,800 agreed upon. 

He obtained from the council for New England the 
patent desired on the Kennebec. He also induced four of 
their London friends to become partners with them in their 
purchase of the trade of the colony, thus securing the neces- 
sary financial support, without which their scheme must 
have failed. This partnership, as finally made up, con- 
sisted of eight of the colonists, viz., Bradford, Standish, 
Allerton, W'inslow, Brewster, Howdand, Alden and Prence, 
and four of London, viz., James Shirley, John Beauchamp. 
Richard Andrews and Timothy Hatherley. 

Shirley, wd^o seems to have been the leading spirit of 
the London end of this partnership, was a goldsmith (the 
equivalent of a modern banker). He writes to the Plym- 
outh partners a letter, which Bradford cjuotes, as follows: 

"It is true, as you write, that your engagements are 
"great ; not only the purchase, but you are necessitated to 
"take up (i. e., borrow) the stock you work upon, and that 
"not at 6 or 8 per ct., as it is here let out, but at 30, 40. 
"vea and some at .^0 per ct.. which, were not your gains 
"great, and God's blessing on your honest endeavors more 
"than ordinary, it could not be that vou should long sub- 
"sist in the maintaining and upholding of your worldlv 
"affairs; and this your honest and discreet agent. Mr. .\1- 
"lerton, hath seriouslv considered, and deei^ly laid to mind 
"how to ease vou of it '•' * * 



6 

"I also see by your letter you desire I shall be your 
"agent, or factor here.* * * Xow, because I am sickly, 
"and we are all mortal. I have advised Air. Allerton to 
"join Mr. Beauchamp with me in your deputation (i. e., 
"agency) which I conceive to be very necessary and good 
"for you." 

With this letter of Shirley's was sent a full and com- 
prehensive power of attorney, authorizing and deputing 
lames Shirlev and John I^eauchamp to receive and dispose 
of all goods sent to England from Plymouth by the i^art- 
ners, and consigned to them, or either of them, in any 
manner, and on any terms they, or either of them, shall 
think best. To buy and ship to New England to the part- 
ners all goods that shall be thought fit by them or either of 
them. To receive, collect or compound any debts that may 
be due the partnership; and generally to do and perform 
any and all acts that may be necessary for the transac- 
tion of their business. In short, as strong and full a power 
as could be drawn. This document was executed by the 
Plymouth partners, November 18, 1627, and returned to 
Mr. Shirley. 

In the fall of 1628 Allerton returned to Plymouth and 
brought. Bradford says. "Some goods of his own and sold 
"them, which was looked on with some jealousy by his 
"l^artncrs at Plymouth." "lUit," he continues, "they re- 
"solved to send him to England this year (1629) consider- 
"ing how well he had done the former business, and what 
"good acceptation he had with their friends there. As, 
'also, seeing sundry of their friends from Levcienywere 
"sent for. v hich would, <»r might Ic, much furtherrTy his 
"means." "Again, seeing the patent for the Kenne1)cc mu^t 
"be enlarged, l)^' reason of the former mistal-c in Ixnmding 
"it, and it was conceived, in a man icr. the s'unc charge 
"would serve to enlarge this at home (i. e.. th.e I'lymonlh 
"l)atent) with it, and he, that had begun the former list 
"year, would be the fittest to effect this." 

Allerton went over to England (probablv later in the 
year) for Shirley writes to the governor under date March 
P), 1630 (N. S.)": 

"Some of your letters I received in July and some since 
"by Mr. Pierce, but till our n^ain business, the patent, wa^ 
"granted, I could not settle my mind, nor pen, to writing." 

"Mr. Allerton was so turnioiled about it. as. \eril\-. 1 
"could not, nor woidd not, have undergone it if I might 
"have had a thousand j^ounds ; but the Lord so ble-^^ed^ 
"his labors (even bevond expectation in these evil davs) 
"as he obtained the love and favor of great men in repute 
"and ])lace." 



"He got granted from the Earl of Warwick and Sir 
"Ferdinando Gorges all that Mr. Winslow desired in his 
"letters to me, and more also, which I leave to him to 
"relate." 

"Then he sued to the king to confirm their grant, and 
"to make you a corporation, and so enable you to make 
"and execute laws in such large and ample manner as the 
"Massachusetts plantation hath it: which the king 
"graciously granted, referring to the Lord Keeper to give 
"order to the solicitor to draw it up, if there were a prece- 
"dent for it." 

"So the Lord Keeper furthered it all he could and also 
"the solicitor, but as Festus said to Paul, 'with no small 
"sum of money obtained I this freedom' for l)y the way 
"many riddles 'must be resolved, and many locks must be 
"opened with the silver, nay, the golden key." 

"Then it came to the Lord Treasurer to have his war- 
"rant for freeing the customs for a certain time; but he 
"would not do i't, but referred it to the council table— and 
"there Mr. Allerton attended, day by day, when they sat. 
"but could not get his petition read. 

"And bv reason of Mr. Pierce his staying with all the 
"passengers at Bristol, he (Mr. Allerton) was forced to 
"leave the further prosecuting of it to a solicitor, but 
"there is no fear, or doubt, that it will be granted, for he 
"hath the chief of them to friend, yet it will be marvelously 
"needful for him to return bv the first ship that comes 
"from thence, for, if vou had this confirmed then were you 
"complete, and might bear such sway and government, as 
"were fit for vour rank and place that God hath called you 
"unto- and stop the mouth of base and scurrilous fellows, 
"that are ready to fpiestion and threaten you in every action 
"vou do. 

"AiKl besides, if vou have the customs free for 7 years 
"inward, and 21 vears outward, the charge of the patent 
"will soon be recoVered, and there is no fear of obtaining it 
"But such things must come by degrees. Men canno 
"hasten it. as they would : wherefore, we (I write n\ eha f 
"of all mv partners here) desire you to be earnest with Mr^ 
"Allerton to come, and his wife to spare him this o"e year 
"more to finish this great and weighty business which we 
"conceive to be much for your good and. 1 hope, for your 
"posteritie and many generations to come. 

P.radford comments on this: "It was afterward appre- 
"hended that the main reason the business of the patent 
"was not co'^chnled this year wa. that Mr. Allerton s policy 



8 

"was to postpone it. that he might again be sent over to 
"conclude it." 

This seems an ungrateful and uncharitable view to 
take, in the light of Shirley's letters, and of Allerton's 
strenuous and seemingly unappreciated labors for the col- 
ony, but another incident set down by Bradford undoubt- 
ediv had iiuich to do with the trouble which now began 
between the ])artners. One Morton, who had been sent 
back to England by the Massachusetts authorities a year 
previously as an "undesirable citizen." was a passenger in 
the ship on- which Allerton returned, and on arrival at 
Plymouth was employed by Allerton as a secretary, or 
clerk. This gave great olTense to some of the leading men, 
Standish in particular, who had assisted in the former 
arrest of Morton. 

Then (Bradford goes on) Allerton had made some 
money while in England on some private ventures, and 
had brought over goods which were not ordered l)y the 
Plymouth folk. In short, there seems to have been a great 
jealousy of Allerton. lest he might use his opportunities 
while in England to help his private .means, though it no- 
wdiere appears in Bradford's statement that he did so in 
any wav to the detriment of his partners in Plymouth, or 
London. 

As to the charge of exceeding his instructions in amount 
of goods l)rought over. Bradford says that Allerton excused 
himself from that, and laid the blame, if any there was, on 
Shirley and the London partners. Recalling the unlimited 
pi)wer given Shirley and Beauchamp two years before and 
still unrevoked, this seems to have been a complete answer. 
In fact. Bradford admits that Allerton referred them to 
Shirley's letters for the reasons for the shiimunls. and says. 
"Lideed. Mr. Shirley wrote things tending this wa\-, but 
"it is like he was overruled by Mr. Allerton. and liarkenc 1 
"more to him than to their letters from hence." 

What a fair minded, just old fello-.v the governor was! 
He contimies: "But another and more secret cause kept 
"them from comidaining of Allerton's course:"' that was 
I'is having married Elder Brewster's daughter, and thcv 
"were loth to grieve or offend their beloved hdder and so 
"])ore with much in that respect." 

In the same letter of March 19. 1630. X. S.. Shirlev 
urges Bradford to ])ush the trading — that the time of their 
j)urcha'-"e will soon be gone and others will step in. He tells 
him that he andMr. Beanchamn have obtained a patent for 
a trading district on the Penobscot and have outfitted one 
Ashley to.occnnv it, and offers to take tlic Plynviutli i)C()i)le 



as partners in this venture, if they desire to join in it. He 
explicitly says : 

"Mr. Allerton had no power from you to make this new 
"contract, neither was he willing to do anything therein 
"without your consent and approbation." The Plymouth 
folk feared it might offend the London partners if they re- 
fused to join them in this scheme, and wrote them that 
they would accept their offer and join in the venture on the 
Penobscot. After the fishing season this year (1629) was 
over Mr. Allerton found a bargain in a cargo of salt at a 
fishing station and bought it for about £113. and could 
have sold it shortly after for £30 clear profit, but "Mr. 
"Winslow coming that way from the Kennebec stayed Mr. 
"Allerton from selling it, and the partners resolved to keep 
"it, and send out a vessel from the west coast of England 
"fishing the next season." 

This, from Bradford, shows that a fishing vessel was 
intended by the Plymouth people to be bought or hired in 
England, and that the sending of the "Friendship" the next 
spring was not a surprise to them as alleged by Firadford 
later. 

In the fall of 1630 Allerton was again sent to London. 
P>radford says: "Upon consideration of the business about' 
"the patent, and in what state if was left, and "Sir. Shirley's 
"earnest pressing to have Mr. Allerton come over again to 
"finish it. and perfect the accounts, etc., it was concluded 
"to send him over this vear again, though it was with some 
"fear and jealousy. Yet he gave them fair words, and 
"promises of well performing their business according to 
"their direction, and to mend his former errors." 

It is hard to coniecture exactlv what errors .Allerton 
promised to "amend," unless it v.-ere the harboring and 
employment of Morton. 

The same ship that carried Allerton back to England 
this vear took letters from the Plymouth folk leaving the 
London partners to decide whether or not to send over a 
ship for fishing, only desiring that if one were sent she 
should bring some trading goods. 

There w^ere no letters, Bradford .'•ays, for manv months 
f'-om Allerton or Shirley, but at last came a letter from 
Shirlev "which made them much to marvel thereat." This 
letter stated that the London people had "this year set forth 
"a fishing ship, and a trading ship, which latter we have 
"bought, and so have disbursed a great deal of money, as 
"may and will appear bv the accounts." .And because this 
ship'vas intended both for trading and fishing. Air. Hnther- 
lev was to go over in h?r to assist, if necessary. Mr. .\ller- 



10 

ton, and also to get a full account of the business of the 
partnership. Shirley begs the Plymouth people to enter- 
tain Mr. Hatherley kindly, and to i^^ive him all information 
as to the state of the business. 

This trading ship of which Mr. Shirley writes was called 
the "White Angel." The London partners thought her neces- 
sary to supply the stations which the partnership had estab- 
lished on the Penobscot and Kennebec rivers, ancl though 
the bills of sale of the vessel were taken in the name of the 
London partners, Shirley writes that they had no thought 
of dividing in anything from their Plymouth partners. Li 
another letter he says that Allerton had told him that un- 
less a ship were bought Ashley could not be supplied, and 
unless he were supplied "we could not be satisfied what we 
"were out for you, and further, he gave some reasons, 
"which we spare to relate, luiless by your unreasonable re- 
"fusal you will force us, and so hasten that fire, which is 
"kindlings too fast already." 

The differences between the partners were brought to 
an open rupture by this dispute about the "White Angel," 
and the losses made by the fishing vessel, the "Friendshi])." 
.Allertofi left the partnership, Bradford says "being dis- 
missed," but probably he left at his own motion, for Brad- 
ford afterward complains that Allerton, having got them 
"an^ong the briers," has now deserted them and left them 
to get out alone. Bradford sums up his complaints against 
Allerton (p. 285 of the 1856 Ed. of his History) as follows: 
"I shall not need to l)e large therein, doing it here, once 
"for all : 

"First. It seems to ap!)ear clearly that Ashley's busi- 
"ness and the buying of this ship (the \Vhite Angel) and 
"the courses framed thereon were first contrived and pro- 
"posed bv Mr. Allerton, as also the pleas and pretenses 
"^^ hich he made of the inabilitv of the plantation to repay 
"their moneys, etc.. and the hopes he gave them of doing 
"it with i^rofit. was more believed and relied on bv them 
"(the London partners) than anything the plantation did 
"or said." 

"Second. It is like, though Mr. Allerton might think 
"not, to wrong the plantation in the main, yet his own gain 
"aufl private ends led him aside in these things; for it 
"came to be known and I have it in a letter under Mr. Shir- 
"ley's hand, that in the first two or three years of his em- 
"])loyment he had cleared up £400 and put it into a brew 
"house of Mr. Collier's of London, at first under Mr. Shir- 
"lev's name. etc.. besides what he might have otherwise." 



11 

"Again, Mr. Shirley and he had particular dealings in 
"some things : for he had bought up the beaver that sea- 
"men and other passengers had brouglit over to Bristol, 
"and at other places, and charged the bills to London, which 
"Mr. Shirley paid; and they got sometimes £50 apiece in 
"a bargain, as was made known by Mr. Hatherley and oth- 
"ers, besides what might be otherwise: which might make 
"Mr. Shirley barken unto him in many things. 

"And yet. I believe as he (Shirley) in his fore-mentioned 
"letter writes, he wo,uld never side in any particular trade 
"which would be conceived wrong the plantation, and eat 
"up and destroy the general" (i. e., the company). 

In his third specification Bradford intimates that the 
London partners having done so much for the plantation 
previously, thought there might be an opportunity for profit 
in buying these two ships (the "Friendship" and "\\'hite 
Angel") and sending them over, but, finding a loss prob- 
able, bad charged them to the general account, "feeling" 
(the Gov. says) "it was more meet for the plantation to 
"bear the loss than they who had lost so much already." 

In the dispute about the "White Angel" Shirley said 
that Allerton approved the purchase, as agent for the Ply- 
mouth end of the partnership. The only power of attorney 
ever mentioned as given to Allerton was one authorizing 
him to borrow money for supplies in 1626, before the pur- 
chase of the adventurers' rights. That was a personal and 
individual authority for the specific purpose of borrowing 
some £200, and was lodged in Mr. Shirley's hands at the 
time the m.oney was borrowed, as a security, and was never, 
so far as appears, heard of again. 

At any rate, so far as creating any liabilit}^ of the new 
))artnership goes, it was mere waste paper, but this Brad- 
ford seems to have overlooked. 

The ])ower given to Shirley & Beauchamp was suffi- 
cient to hold the partners for any expenditure, however 
extravagant, that was in the wav of their trade. As to the 
Ashley business. Bradford certainly was losing his memory 
of events when he wrote that paragra]:)h, for Shirley pro- 
posed their joining with them (the London peo])le) in this 
venture, an'l distinctly says that Allerton had no power to 
go into such a venture for his partners and would do noth- 
ing in it without their consent and approl)ation. And the 
governor says thev joinerl in it for fear their London friends 
would be offended if they declined. 

So far as the governor's second charge is at all worthy 
of notice, it is refuted by his own statement at its close. 
Allerton certainlv had a right to anv rain he could make 



in any dealing that did not injure or compete with his part- 
nership business, and Bradford says he does not beHevc 
he would do anything in a "particular" or private deal that 
would "eat up and destroy the general". 

His third count is directed rather at Shirley and Beau- 
champ than at Allerton, and needs no refutation here. 

His last complaint is more serious. He says that when 
Allerton retired from the partnership he claimed that they 
owed him some £300, while the partnership (i. e.. the Ply- 
mouth end) claimed that he owed them £2,C00. A part 
of this was a claim for a part of the cargo of the "W hite 
Angel," which the Plymouth people refused to receive, oi 
to pay for, and which was sold by Hatherley, acting for 
the London partners, to Allerton. after he had terminated 
his connection with the partnership. Allerton was bound 
by his bargain to ])ay th.e price of these goods to Shirley 
& Beaucbamp, for whom and himself Hatherley was acting, 
and the Plymouth people having refused to accept, or to 
pay for. these goods, certainly had no right to the payment 
from Allerton. This, however, was but a small part of the 
difference between their claims. The great divergence in 
the accounts may perhaps not appear so wonderful if we 
refer to Bradford's story of the attemi)t to adjust the ac- 
counts with the London partners five years later. 

He says (p. 347) that "Beaucbamp & Andrews com- 
"plainedthat though each of them were out about £L100 
"since 1631 that now (in 1635) tbey had not received a 
"penny, but that all furs, etc., had been sent to Mr. Shirlcv 
"who still desired to draw money from them — and blamed 
"them liecause they would not advance it. They (the Ply- 
n^outh folk) marveled much at this," for thcv had consigned 
furs to England in that time, v hich ihey thought to be of 
the value of over £10,000, and had no invoice of goods 
ship]3ed them, nor account sales of furs. 

In fact, from the beginning the bookkeeping at the 
Plymouth end scenes to have been of the loosest and most 
careless sort, if. indeed, one can call it bookkee])ing. where 
no 1)oohs are kept. 

Xo invoices of goods received from London, nor ac- 
counts of furs, etc., sold for their account in London seem 
to have been received, or if received, preserved. 

In 1631 Shirley sent over to Plvmouth a young man 
(a younger brother of Winslow) as an accountant for them. 
TTe had proposed to send one the year before, but the 
Plymouth people were unwilling to be at this charge. This 
year, however, Josias Winslow came over, and they em- 
ploved him. 



13 

Now (h\ 1636) they tried to reckon np their liabilities 
and assets, and found they had nothing to show, either 
what they had had from England, nor what they owed. 

Bradford says (p. 347) : "But it may be objected. How 
"comes it that they could not as well exactly set down their 
"receipts as their returns, but thus estimate it? I answer, 
"Two things were the cause of it: The first and ]:)rincipal 
"was that the new accountant, which they in England 
"would needs press upon them, did wholly fail them, and 
"could never give them any account, but trusting to his 
"memory and to loose papers, let things run into such con- 
"fusion that neither he, nor any with him, could liring 
"things to rights. 

"But being often called upon to perfect his accounts. 
"he desired to have such a time, and such a time of leisure, 
"and he would do it. 

"In the interim he fell into a great sickness, and in con- 
"clusion it fell out that he could make no account at all. 

"His books were, after a little good beginning, left alto- 
'gether unperfect, and his papers, some were lost, and 
■'others so confused, as he knew not what to make of them, 
"himself, when they came to be searched and examined. 

"This was not unknown to Mr. Shirley, and they (the 
"Plymouth people) came to smart for it, to purpose, both 
"thus in England and also here. 

"For they conceived they had lost some hundreds of 
"pounds for goods trusted out in the place, which were lost, 
"for want of clear accounts to call them in. Another reason 
"of this mischief was that after 'Sir. Winslow was sent to 
"England to demand accounts, and to except against the 
" 'A\'hite Angel' thev never had any price sent with their 
"goods nor anv certain invoice of them, but all things stood 
"in confusion and they were fain to guess at the price of 
"them." 

This astounding confession of carelessness, incompe- 
tence and stupidity, under P>radford"s own hand, makes it 
rather unnecessary to refute any claim of indebtedness 
which has no better base to stand on than the evidence of 
the governor and his bookkeeper. 

WMiv did nr)t Bradford, or Winslow. or some of the 
other five Plyn-outh lartntrs. discover this state of affairs 
l)efore five years had elapsed? 

Was .-Mlerton the only one of the eight Plymouth men 
who could keep an account f^r prevent the business falling 
into this chaotic confusion? 



14 

When he retired from the firm, was the business fi^ivcn 
over to be looted by an}- who were near enough to the 
managers to get their hands in the till? 

In these latter days that would be the inevitable con- 
clusion. Were the Pilgrims better men than we? Per- 
i.aps ; but there is little to show them so. Allerton mav 
have been a speculative, and over sanguine business man, 
l)ut he could hardly have made a worse mess of their affairs 
tlian the\- did. \\ inslow was "sent into England to de- 
mand accounts" (in 1632), says Bradford. \\'ell ! Why 
didn't he get them? And whv was it that from that time 
"they never had any price sent with their goods, nor any 
"certain invoice of them, but all things stood in confusion, 
"and they were fain to guess at the price of them"? \\'in- 
slow was governor in 1633 and 1636, Prence in 1634, Brad- 
ford in 1635. The delinquent bookkeeper was Winslow's 
brother. Is there anything in Allerton's record, one-half 
as bad as this flagrant neglect and mismanagement of the 
afYairs of the firm ? 

Yet not a word from Bradford against W'inslow's good 
faith. His creed was all right. He had not harbored the 
Godless Morton, nor extended a friendly hand to Roger 
Williams. 

After Allerton's connection with the partnership ceased, 
he began trading and fishing on the eastern coast on his 
own account. 

He became, thus, a competitor to his former partners, 
and the hostile feeling growing out of their former disa- 
greements became stronger in the governor's mind. Pie 
complains that .\llerton sold goods on credit to traders 
on the Maine coast, and thus injured the Plymouth trade. 

\Mn- should not Allerton sell to whom he pleased? Did 
he ow'e his old jiartners any considcrat'on ? He had been 
\" ith them in Holland for vears. had put his money in with 
theirs in the outfitting of the Speedwell and the Mayflower, 
lie had been an alile and effici^ent worker in their first years 
in New England. 

When the colony was in dire distress, and Standish had 
failed to secure any settlement w'th their creditors, Aller- 
ton was sent over, and by his diplomacy and business tact, 
persuaded the adventurers to accei)t the .Agreement of 
ComjKisition. which gave to the coloni-ts for the first time 
the owncrshij) of their home^, an<l a h^^]^c of maintaining 
their settlement in Plymouth. 

He borrowed the money to su])r)ly the'r necessities, 
and to bring over more of their friends from Levden. He 
l)rocure(l the jKitent for the Ke-mele;- district. aP'o for the 



- 15 

Plymouth colony from the Council for New England. 

He had spent his time and labor for years in travers- 
ing the ocean and exploring the dangerous coasts of Maine 
in their interest and behalf. 

His reward was the jealous suspicion of his own part- 
ners, who would have driven him from the partnership he 
had created sooner had he not been the only one among 
them of any business capacity, who possessed the confi- 
dence of the London partners supplying the money to keep 
the concern going; and the jealous grumblers at Plymouth 
dared send no one else to England lest the supplies be 
stopped. 

It seems plain enough to a reader of Bradford's His- 
tory and Letter P)Ook that the governor had his hands 
full in controlling the many little factions in the colony ; 
and, with Standish's aid, in defending the colony from the 
incursions of the Indians. 

He had little time, and less capacity, to give to the 
business affairs of the partnership. He was absolutely 
ignorant of their business and knew not whether there 
was profit or loss in it. The accounts with the London 
partners (which have been alluded to) ran for years with- 
out auditing, or settlement, and when finally made up, were, 
as might have been foreseen, hotly disputed, and were only 
adjusted, after long years of contention, by a compromise 
in which, as is quite usual, both parties claimed thev were 
wronged. The London people, however, knew whether 
they were cheated, or not. The Plymouth people didn't. 
The seven partners who were the Plymouth end of the 
firm were the real rulers of the colony all through the 
years of these transactions, and enforced such rules and 
ordinances as they saw fit to make. These laws (if thev 
ran be so-called) stood by sufferance rather than by author- 
itv. The colony never had a charter from the king, and 
the government being self-constituted, the leaders were 
very much afraid of any reports to their prejudice reaching 
the cars of the English i^eople or the English government. 

They made no scruple of searching outgoing vessels for 
correspondence, nor of seizing and ooening private letters, 
and gave easy belief to anv rumor that fed their jealousy 
of all not disposed to submit to their dictation. 

By keeping, as in the purchase business related by Brad- 
ford, their desio-ns secret from the majority of the settlers, 
they' succeeded for a long time in kee])ing the government 
of the colony in their own hands. 

It will show how absolute Bradford fell their control 
of the situation v.as. to note how fre(|ucntly he uses the 



16 

term "Plantation" when he is referring only to the seven 
Plymouth partners. He constantly treats the "partners" 
as "the colony," though they were but seven men out of 
more than a hundred. 

Allcrton was less devoted to the rigid doctrines of the 
Separatists, and more liberal in his religious views, than 
most of his partners. His friendship with Roger Williams 
led to his leaving the colony about 1634, and later to his 
being requested to leave Massachusetts. 

He had learned the lesson of toleration from the Dutch- 
men in Leyden, and had no mind for ])ersecution of th.ose 
who could not accept the narrow creed of the Separatists 
who dominated the colony. 

His business education and experience acquired in Lon- 
don and Leyden, and in many voyages of trade and ad- 
venture had broadened his views and made him an "unde- 
sirable citizen" in the eyes of the bigots who controlled 
both the Massachusetts and Plymouth colonies. 

Bradford's History was written nearly twenty years 
after these events. His memory is shown, by his frec|uent 
errors in fixing dates, etc., to ha^'e been at times at fault, 
but the great drawback to its value as original evidence in 
the case under discussion is the bitter ])rejudice against 
Allerton which is manifest throughout. 

The governor was very human. His feeling* colored 
his story, and makes it necessary for one who seeks the 
truth to allow liberally for the "personal equation." IJear 
in min<l that this history is practically the only account we 
have of the years of this partnership. Allerton has not 
left us a word of his side of the story. Note, too. that in 
all the governor's complaining, he nowhere charges any 
positive dishonesty nor any specific act of bad faith against 
Allerton. It is all vague, such phrases as "It was con- 
ceived" and "It was apprehended" — mere surmise and in- 
nuendo — nowhere bold assertion. 

So far as we can judge at this late day, the real trouble 
seems to have been (aside from the religious differences 
and the squabble about Morton) that Shirlev and the Lon- 
don people were very an.xious to increase the trade on the 
coast sufficiently to give a reasona])le chance of recouping 
themselves for their advances before the i)artnershi]i ex- 
pired by limitation. They had by far the larger invest- 
ment in the company, and if Allerton did to some extent 
agree with th;ir views rather than with Ih'adford's and 
W'inslow's, it is certainly no reason to accuse him of bad 
faith. 



17 

When losses, through the fishing and trading ventures 
of 1631, occurred, the Tlvmouth folk were what gamblers 
call "bad losers," and sought a scapegoat to lay the blame 
upon. 

Shirley was the one who had all the power and respon- 
sibility (vested in him by the act of the Plymouth people, 
when they could see no other way out of their troubles) 
and should take all the blame, if blame there be. He, per- 
haps did not treat them fairlv after Allerton left them, but 
if he did take anv unfair advantage of their business stu- 
pidity and ignorance, he was obliged to forego some part 
of his gains, for they did not settle his claun till many 
years after, and then at a discount. 

After Allerton left the colony, in 1634. he met with 
manv losses. The French destroyed a trading station and 
a laro-e stock of goods which he had at Machios. Many 
of hi? fishing vessels were lost at sea. and fortune seemed 
to have deserted all his enterprises. 

With his usual fairness, Bradford attributes these dis- 
asters to the "judgment of God," but does not refer the 
terrible sickness and misfortune which befell the colony in 
its first years to the same inscrutable cause. Had Allerton 
left us from his own hand as full an account of all these 
years as we have from the governor's, it is quite possible 
that so dififerent a picture would be presented as to place 
Allerton. the merchant, the liberal, the exile, m higher 
estimation as a founder of New England and a defende 
of religious liberty, than even the pious governor, but 
Ue Records of his achievements are buned in the London 
Iccount books, the archives of the colonial boards, and the 
state papers of England. , , , , 

The factions and jealousies in the colony the doubts 
of his orthodoxy, and the absence of any record from a le^^ 
iauncicel historian than Bradford have prevented his re- 
S-i' he credit that was his due. for his distinguished 
e vic?s o the colony of Plymouth. The scanty mention 
of his personal actions in the early records gives us 
o-limpses of a kindlv and generous man. 

When his brother-in-law. Godbertson. died i"^"!;^;^- 
about 1633. the administrator of the estate repor ed to the 
court that, though he was the largest creditor. ' ^^r. Aller- 
-ton would not claim any part of his debt, preferring to lose 
••-ill rather than others should lose any. 

He succored the shipwrecked many times, at his trading 
stations, and extended a helping hand, whenever needed, 
t,, l-is conncclinns and neighbors. 



18 

His personality impressed strongly those around him — 
whether the citizens of Leyden, the court ofificials atflMM- 
MTi/j^hall. the merchants of London, the rough traders on the 
Maine coast, the burghers of New Amsterdam or his neigh- 
bors at Plymouth and New Haven. 

In 1634, two years after his retirement from the part- 
nership, he was chosen by the freemen of Plymouth an 
, "Assistant," which would certainly indicate that he was 
still in good standing with the mass of the colonists there. 

In 1643 while in New Amsterdam he was chosen one 
of a "committee for council and advice" on public affairs — 
really a "steering committee" for Gov. Kieft, who had 
entirely lost the confidence and respect of the citizens. 

In all these various associations he was always a man 
amongst men, vital, forceful, hopeful. That this man who 
had given so much of his life, so much of his substance, 
to the founding and sustaining of Plymouth settlement, was 
in the smallest degree unfaithful to any of his obligations 
to his townsmen, or his partfiers, seems incredible. 

No mere surmise can smirch such a record. Evidence 
to such purpose must come from unprejudiced and disin- 
terested sources to carry any weight, and the "ex parte" 
storv of Gov. Bradford hardly meets that requirement. 



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